Suchergebnisse

"This book provides an insightful analysis and holistic account of the process of the formation of de facto states in the post-Soviet area. Looking beyond the stereotype of mere puppet subjects, the author explores the contemporary operation of separatist regions in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Donbass to understand the motives and mechanisms for their emergence and their instrumentalization in the politics of great powers. Using policy documents, quantitative data, and political statements she explores the historical origins of the area and its operation during the Soviet era, armed separatist conflicts and their implications, and the actions of the United Nations, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, European Union, Commonwealth of Independent States, and the role of powers such as the Russian Federation and the US. The research contributes to the debate on the significance of de facto states for regional security and their potential for national identity building. It will be of interest to scholars and students of the Russia and the Post-Soviet Area in International Relations and Nation-Building"--

AbstractThe aim of the article is to analyze Armenia's limited capacity to function as a patron of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR). In the article, the author focused on the analysis of 3 levels of relations on the line Yerevan-Stepanakert: (1) the political dimension of bilateral relations; (2) the economic dimension of bilateral relations; (3) the security policy dimension, in particular the significance of the last phase of the armed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh (2020) for the further shape of relations. In addition, the features that distinguish Armenia's relations with the NKR from Russia's relations with the de facto states for which it is a patron are highlighted. The results prove that mid-level states have a limited capacity to be a patron for de facto states, including being a guarantor of their survival.

The aim of the articler is to analyze and characterize the influence of the Russian Federation on the security of Moldova through cooperation with the nonrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). My research hypothesis is that the Russian Federation, through its multifaceted (time-varying) support to Transnistria, strengthens its pro-Russian character, thus making it an effective instrument for influencing Moldova's security. The research used methods characteristic for qualitative research, such as analysis and interpretation of documents of the Republic of Moldova and statements of leading Moldovan and Transnistrian politicians. The results of the research indicate that the Russian Federation's support of Transnistria with military and nonmilitary means in order to exert pressure on Moldova. The para-state is a convenient tool for influencing the shape of security policy created by Moldovan decision makers in order to undermine Moldova's aspirations to participate in Euro-Atlantic structures, for example, the European Union, and maintain it as part of Russia's traditional sphere of influence. The measures taken by the Russian side reduce Moldova's security, while posing a challenge to maintaining regional security in the long term.

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.

The purpose of this article is to characterize the relations between Moldova and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. The author describes influence of presidential elections in Moldova (2016) on Moldovan – Russian relations. The new president, Igor Dodon, wants to return to a strategic partnership with Russia. Presidential activity has improved the relations of Chisinau–Moscow in many areas. The paper also presents problematic issues: Transnistrian case and Moldovan-Ukrainian border. The current diplomatic crisis and the position of the Moldovan government towards Russia are also very important. The author analyzed and interpreted: documents of the Republic of Moldova, official statements by the authorities of Moldova and Russia, interwievs.

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.

Background: The fight against the COVID-19 pandemic has been instrumentalised on several occasions by powers that have seen a new sphere for realising their interests. One such power is the Russian Federation. The article aims to explain the importance of close relations with Venezuela for Russia's strategic objectives in expanding its political power in the Latin American region in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve the research objective, the authors focused on answering the following research questions: How has the political crisis in Venezuela affected the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic? Why and how does Russia consistently support the regime of Nicolás Maduro in times of a pandemic crisis? The article's research hypothesis is that Russia used the new conditions of superpower policy, the COVID-19 pandemic, to strengthen its influence on Venezuela's domestic politics to secure the realisation of its superpower interests. Methods: The authors used content analysis of media broadcasts, statements by politicians, and literature on the subject (in English, Russian and Spanish). In addition, the re-analysis of quantitative data made it possible, for example, to characterise the economic level of the relations. The main part of the research was completed in November 2021. The article uses methods characteristic of international relations research, including the method of decision analysis. Results: The results of the research confirm that Moscow's activity in Latin America should be interpreted as one of the manifestations of the reactivity of Russian geostrategy, i.e. a response to U.S. actions in the post-Soviet area. Conclusions: In this context, Caracas has a special position in Russia's policy as a key regional partner in energy cooperation and a market for the sale of military technologies. The research was conducted on 13 March 2020 and ended before 24 February 2022.